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Seven Questions about Income Inequality

A recent flurry of media and academic attention toward rising inequality across the world has generated a tremendous amount of research on inequality trends and their causes and consequences. While some of the hype on the topic is warranted, the large and expanding literature has made it difficult to sift out the main facts. These seven questions attempt to highlight the basic points made by the recent literature.

Question 1: What is the basic measurement of income inequality?

The most common way to measure inequality is the Gini coefficient, which is an index that ranges from zero to one, with a value of zero corresponding to equal incomes across all recipients and a value of one corresponding to a situation in which one household receives all of the income in the economy. As Figure 1 shows, the Gini coefficient varies substantially across countries.

Question 2: How much has income inequality increased over the past few decades?

Much of the recent concern about inequality has been centered on the trends over the last few decades. Most OECD countries saw increases in their Gini coefficients from the mid-1980s to the mid-2000s, as shown in Figure 2. The OECD average increase was only about 0.02 points. This change is about equivalent to the difference in inequality between Austria and Germany—not necessarily a magnitude that, in itself, deserves a high level of scrutiny. However, the consistency of the upwards trend across countries along with large increases in select countries have warranted probing into the causes and consequences of inequality.

Question 3: What has caused this rise in income inequality?

Skilled-based technological change is thought to be one of the leading causes driving the increase in inequality in advanced economies over the past four decades. The middle class has been “hollowed out” as machines have replaced medium-skilled labor (Acemoglu and Autor, 2011). More recently, another economic change that has contributed to the decline of middle-income jobs in developed countries is the increase of globalization. As medium-skilled jobs move off-shore, the replaced workers must face a decision of increasing their education to obtain higher-paying jobs or to move to lower-paying jobs. This effect has become more prominent in the 2000s than it had been in the preceding decades (Autor, Dorn, Hansen, 2011). Two other possible contributors to the increase in income inequality are the decline of unions and the decline of the real minimum wage in many advanced economies. Historically, unions have affected the wage structure by boosting the wages of lower middle class workers (Card, 2001). In the United States, the percent of private sector workers covered by unions has decreased from more than 20 percent in the mid-1970s to less than 10 percent in 2010. At the same time, since the nominal minimum wage has not increased in step with inflation, the real minimum wage has decreased in many countries, contributing to the decline of real wages of the lowest income quintile. Furthermore, the increase of immigration and the use of illegal immigrant labor have weakened unions and the application of the minimum wage. Finally, an important factor in the rise in inequality has been the emergence of a powerful financial sector. A substantial portion of the rise in income inequality has been due to the increase in the share of income accruing to the top 1 percent of the income distribution (Atkinson, Piketty, and Saez, 2011). This rise is at least partially due to a dramatic increase in salaries in the financial sector which, in turn, can be attributed to the structure of the financial system and its associated incentives.

Question 4: What are the possible negative consequences of the rise in income inequality?

Recent research has shown that societies with high inequality tend to adopt policies that hinder long-term growth potential, due to conflicts between the holders of economic power and political power (Berg and Ostry, 2011). In addition, these societies face short-term destabilizing influences. High levels of inequality may increase the competition between income earners. Lower earners feel social pressure to borrow, if possible, in order to maintain a consumption level that approaches that of their wealthier neighbors. The overleveraging that might follow can lead to macroeconomic instability and is thought to be one of the causes of the recent recession (Rajan, 2010). The welfare considerations of high inequality extend past the effect on growth and macroeconomic stability. One broad negative consequence of a rise in inequality is an increased stratification of society. The emergence of a class society is bad for social and health outcomes as people are faced with the pressures associated with dramatically different living situations (Pickett and Wilkinson, 2009). High inequality tends to be associated with lower intergenerational mobility, implying
that these pressures and their negative consequences mayhave lasting effects on future generations (Corak, 1993).

Question 5: How can governments intervene in order to stem inequality?

The most direct way for governments to intervene is to implement progressive tax and transfer policies. As Figure 3 shows, governments in OECD countries vary substantially in how successful their policies are in reducing inequality. In addition to the direct monetary redistribution programs, a government’s involvement in equalizing the access to services, such as education, health care, and technology, can have medium- to long-run success in narrowing the income distribution. Furthermore, regulation of the minimum wage and low-income labor policies can help to boost the earnings of the workers on the low end of the distribution. Lastly, the government may have a role in regulating the financial sector, as mentioned in Question 3.

Question 6: Why the focus on income inequality? Are there other measures that are more meaningful?

The focus on income inequality largely has to do with the availability of data, even while other measures may better capture welfare concerns. Income inequality may exaggerate the disparities in actual consumption; high income individuals tend to save more and consume less of their income at the same time that public provision of education, health care and other services further narrows the consumption gap between the rich and the poor. Furthermore, higher levels of consumption lead to decreasing rates of marginal utility; with this in mind, happiness inequality may be the closest measure to capturing welfare, yet is also one of the most elusive to measure (Stevenson and Wolfers, 2008). Other types of inequality measures also have their own merits: wealth disparities, differential access to services, and the spread in lifetime earnings. Some economists argue that the percentage of the population in poverty is more relevant than any measure of inequality. Ultimately, the “correct” measure depends on the specificwelfare question of interest.

Question 7: Are any of the concerns about the rise in inequality overstated?

There are potentially dramatic welfare implications surrounding the recent increases in inequality in advanced economies. However, some of the concerns highlighted in the media are almost certainly overblown. In a world in which social media makes the emergence of celebrities and mass-marketed products possible, there is more of an opportunity for superstars to amass tremendous amounts of income than there had been earlier in the twentieth century. Furthermore, as economies get richer, more workers choose to curtail their hours in exchange for more leisure; in doing so, an income gap is automatically generated between the average “threshold” worker and those who have a taste for working longer hours for a higher monetary reward (Cowen, 2011). It is questionable whether these contributions to the spread of the income distribution have either negative welfare or growth implications. While it may be difficult to distinguish a destructive rise in income inequality from a positive rise that naturally occurs as a country gets richer, it is important to keep in mind that the goal of reducing inequality is not to hurt the rich at the expense of the poor.

by Laura Feiveson

A recent flurry of media and academic attention toward rising inequality across the world has generated a tremendous amount of research on inequality trends and their causes and consequences. While some of the hype on the topic is warranted, the large and expanding literature has made it difficult to sift out the main facts. These seven questions attempt to highlight the basic points made by the recent literature.

Question 1: What is the basic measurement of income inequality?

Read the full article…

Posted by at 8:18 PM

Labels: Inclusive Growth

Labor Markets through the Lens of the Great Recession

Call for Papers

The International Monetary Fund will hold the Thirteenth Jacques Polak Annual Research Conference at its headquarters in Washington DC on November 8-9, 2012.

The conference is intended to provide a forum for discussing innovative research in economics, undertaken by both IMF staff and by outside economists, and to facilitate the exchange of views among researchers and policymakers. Peter Diamond (MIT) will deliver the Mundell-Fleming lecture.

The theme of the conference is “Labor Markets through the Lens of the Great Recession.” The Program Committee welcomes papers that investigate the lessons of the crisis for labor market dynamics, as well as short-run and long-run policy challenges concerning employment growth and structural changes in labor markets in industrial and developing economies. Possible topics include (without being exclusive):

Comparative performance of labor markets in the crisis: 

  • Output, participation, employment, unemployment 
  • Variations in Okun’s law across countries 
  • The age and skill distribution of unemployment 
  • The role of labor market institutions 
  • Policy measures, employment, unemployment 
  • Fiscal policies, output and employment 
  • Hysteresis in unemployment 
  • Informal employment and links to growth and financial frictions 

Unemployment and the Arab spring

  • Wage distributions, inequality, and political economy implications 
  • Globalization and wage distributions 
  • Technological progress and wage distributions 
  • Role and limits of redistribution 

Reforms, employment, and unemployment

  • Short and long-term effects of labor market reforms 
  • Short and long-term effects of product market reforms 

Please submit a proposal (in Word or PDF format), which should be no shorter than two pages and no longer than five pages by June 8, 2012 (e-mail to ARC@imf.org). Please use the contact author’s name as the name of the file. The Program Committee will evaluate all proposals in terms of originality, analytical rigor, and policy relevance and will contact the authors whose papers have been selected by June 30, 2012. A 15-page work-in-progress draft will be required by August 15, 2012. Further information on the conference program will be posted on the IMF website (www.imf.org).

Call for Papers

The International Monetary Fund will hold the Thirteenth Jacques Polak Annual Research Conference at its headquarters in Washington DC on November 8-9, 2012.

The conference is intended to provide a forum for discussing innovative research in economics, undertaken by both IMF staff and by outside economists, and to facilitate the exchange of views among researchers and policymakers. Peter Diamond (MIT) will deliver the Mundell-Fleming lecture.

The theme of the conference is “Labor Markets through the Lens of the Great Recession.” The Program Committee welcomes papers that investigate the lessons of the crisis for labor market dynamics,

Read the full article…

Posted by at 7:43 PM

Labels: Inclusive Growth

Why’s austerity so unpopular in Europe? Because it’s not working.

Europeans are rebelling against austerity. That’s the read on Sunday’s elections in Greece and France. But why do voters loathe austerity so much? Perhaps because, as economists have found, efforts to rein in budget deficits can take a wrenching toll on living standards, especially in a recession.

In a recent paper for the International Monetary Fund, Laurence Ball, Daniel Leigh and Prakash Loungani looked at 173 episodes of fiscal austerity over the past 30 years. These were countries that, for one reason or another, cut spending and hiked taxes in order to shrink their budget deficits. And the results were typically painful: Austerity, the IMF found, “lowers incomes in the short term, with wage-earners taking more of a hit than others; it also raises unemployment, particularly long-term unemployment.” Read the full story on the Washington Post.

Europeans are rebelling against austerity. That’s the read on Sunday’s elections in Greece and France. But why do voters loathe austerity so much? Perhaps because, as economists have found, efforts to rein in budget deficits can take a wrenching toll on living standards, especially in a recession.

In a recent paper for the International Monetary Fund, Laurence Ball, Daniel Leigh and Prakash Loungani looked at 173 episodes of fiscal austerity over the past 30 years.

Read the full article…

Posted by at 4:14 PM

Labels: Inclusive Growth

Jobs and Growth: Can’t Have One Without the Other?

IMF Deputy Managing Director Min Zhu wrote today in imfdirect:

As Frank Sinatra crooned about love and marriage, so it seems about jobs and growth:
“This I tell ya, brother, you can’t have one without the other.”

The IMF’s latest World Economic Outlook projects global growth of 3 ½ percent this year. To the person on the street, what matters is how this growth translates into jobs and wages. The news on the jobs front, unfortunately, remains grim.

Five years after the onset of the Great Recession, 16 million more people are likely to remain unemployed this year than in 2007. This estimate is for a set of countries for which the IMF forecasts unemployment rates; adding in some countries for which the International Labour Organization provides forecasts only boosts the number.

The bulk of this increase in unemployed people has been in the so-called advanced economies (the IMF’s term for countries with high per capita incomes), as shown in the chart below.

Why isn’t the jobs picture better? Quite simply, it’s because the growth picture isn’t very good.


Consider Chart 2, which shows how for advanced economies the change in unemployment rates expected between 2011 and 2012 correlates with the IMF’s forecasts for growth this year.

Countries such as Cyprus, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, and Spain, where GDP is expected to decline in 2012 are the ones where unemployment is expected to increase this year.

In Iceland, New Zealand, and the United States, where GDP is expected to grow, unemployment rates are expected to decline.

While these declines are welcome, unemployment rates are still expected to remain high in most advanced economies this year.

The average unemployment rate in these economies is expected to 7 ¾ percent, with several populous economies such as the United States, France, the United Kingdom at or above this average.

Policy response

The need to bring down these high unemployment rates is paramount.

That’s why the IMF stated in its recent World Economic Outlook that “the highest priority, but also the most difficult to achieve, is to durably increase growth in advanced economies, and especially in Europe.”

Specifically, policies must be strengthened to solidify the weak recovery and contain the many downside risks.

In the short term this will require:

  • more efforts to address the euro crisis; 
  • a temperate approach to fiscal restraint in response to weaker activity; 
  • a continuation of the very accommodative monetary policies; and 
  • ample liquidity to the financial sector.

IMF Deputy Managing Director Min Zhu wrote today in imfdirect:

As Frank Sinatra crooned about love and marriage, so it seems about jobs and growth:
“This I tell ya, brother, you can’t have one without the other.”

The IMF’s latest World Economic Outlook projects global growth of 3 ½ percent this year. To the person on the street, what matters is how this growth translates into jobs and wages.

Read the full article…

Posted by at 1:46 PM

Labels: Inclusive Growth

Is U.S. Long-Term Unemployment Set to Decline?

Is U.S. long term unemployment set to decline? That’s what an updated version of my paper on cyclical versus structural unemployment predicts. The data in recent quarters have shown an even faster pace of decline than the prediction. Tomorrow’s unemployment number will tell if this trend continues. The paper was presented at the San Francisco Fed Conference (see my presentation). Here’s what Valerie Ramey and Steve Davis said about the paper.

Is U.S. long term unemployment set to decline? That’s what an updated version of my paper on cyclical versus structural unemployment predicts. The data in recent quarters have shown an even faster pace of decline than the prediction. Tomorrow’s unemployment number will tell if this trend continues. The paper was presented at the San Francisco Fed Conference (see my presentation). Here’s what Valerie Ramey and Steve Davis said about the paper.

Read the full article…

Posted by at 7:51 PM

Labels: Inclusive Growth

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